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The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 2 (of 9)

TO WILLIAM SHORT

Paris, February 9, 1789.

Dear Sir,—I wrote you last on the 22d of January, on which day I received yours of December the 31st, and since that, the other of January the 14th. We have now received news from America down to the middle of December. They had then had no cold weather. All things relative to our new Constitution were going on well. Federal senators are; New Hampshire, President Langdon and Bartlett. Massachusetts, Strong and Dalton. Connecticut, Dr. Johnson and Ellsworth. New Jersey, Patterson and Ellmer. Pennsylvania, Robert Morris and McClay. Delaware, Reed and Bassett. Virginia, Richard Henry Lee and Grayson. Maryland, Charles Carroll of Carrolton, and John Henry. All of these are federalists except those of Virginia; so that a majority of federalists are secured in the Senate, and expected in the House of Representatives. General Washington will be President, and probably Mr. Adams Vice President. So that the Constitution will be put under way by those who will give it a fair trial. It does not seem probable that the attempt of New York to have another convention to make amendments, will succeed, though Virginia concurs in it. It is tolerably certain that Congress will propose amendments to the Assemblies, as even the friends of the Constitution are willing to make amendments; some from a conviction they are necessary, others, from a spirit of conciliation. The addition of a bill of rights, will, probably, be the most essential change. A vast majority of anti-federalists have got into the Assembly of Virginia, so that Mr. Henry is omnipotent there. Mr. Madison was left out as a senator by eight or nine votes; and Henry has so modelled the districts for representatives, as to tack Orange to counties where himself has great influence, that Madison may not be elected into the lower federal House, which was the place he had wished to serve in, and not the Senate. Henry pronounced a philippic against Madison in open Assembly, Madison being then at Philadelphia. Mifflin is President of Pennsylvania, and Peters, Speaker. Colonel Howard is Governor of Maryland. Beverly Randolph, Governor of Virginia; (this last is said by a passenger only, and he seems not very sure,) Colonel Humphreys is attacked in the papers for his French airs, for bad poetry, bad prose, vanity, &c. It is said his dress, in so gay a style, gives general disgust against him. I have received a letter from him. He seems fixed with General Washington. Mayo's bridge, at Richmond, was completed, and carried away in a few weeks. While up, it was so profitable that he had great offers for it. A turnpike is established at Alexandria, and succeeds. Rhode Island has again refused to call a convention. Spain has granted to Colonel Morgan, of New Jersey, a vast tract of land on the western side of the Mississippi, with the monopoly of the navigation of that river. He is inviting settlers, and they swarm to him. Even the settlement of Kentucky is likely to be much weakened by emigrations to Morgan's grant. Warville has returned, charmed with our country. He is going to carry his wife and children to settle there. Gouverneur Morris has just arrived here; deputed, as is supposed, to settle Robert Morris' affairs, which continue still deranged. Doctor Franklin was well when he left America, which was about the middle of December.

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I send Mr. Rutledge two letters by the post. Be so good as to present him my esteem, and to be assured yourself of the sincere esteem and attachment with which I am, and shall ever be, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

TO M. DE VILLEDEUIL

Paris, February 10, 1789.

Sir,—I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency with the following case, which I understand to be within your department. Mr. Jay, Secretary for Foreign Affairs to the United States of America, having occasion to send me despatches of great importance, and by a courier express, confided them to a Mr. Nesbitt, who offered himself in that character. He has delivered them safely; but, in the moment of delivering them, explained to me his situation, which is as follows. He was established in commerce at L'Orient during the war. Losses by shipwreck, by capture, and by the conclusion of the peace at a moment when he did not expect it, reduced him to bankruptcy, and he returned to America, without the consent of his creditors, to make the most of his affairs there. He has been employed in this ever since, and now wishing to see his creditors, and to consult them on their mutual interests, he availed himself of Mr. Jay's demand for a courier, to come under the safe conduct of that character to Paris, where he flattered himself he might obtain that of your Excellency, for the purpose of seeing his creditors, settling and arranging with them. He thinks a twelve-month will be necessary for this. Understanding that it is not unusual to grant safe conducts in such cases, and persuaded it will be for the benefit of his creditors, I take the liberty of enclosing his memoir to your Excellency, and of soliciting your favorable attention to it, assured that it will not be denied him, if it be consistent with the established usage; and if inadmissible, praying that your Excellency will have the goodness to give me as early an answer as the other arduous occupations in which you are engaged will admit, in order that he may know whether he may see his creditors, or must return without. I am encouraged to trouble your Excellency with this application, by the goodness with which you have been pleased to attend to our interests on former occasions, and by the desire of availing myself of every occasion of proffering to you the homage of those sentiments of attachment and respect, with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. SHORT

Paris, February 28, 1789.

Dear Sir,—I wrote you last on the 9th instant. Yours of the 11th, came to hand yesterday evening. Some of its enquiries will have already been answered to you. We have no information from America down to the middle of January. Things were going on so well that our letters afford nothing interesting scarcely. The opposition to the new Constitution grows feebler. Everywhere the elections are federal. In New York they had not yet been able to agree in the choice of senators, nor even in the manner of choosing. The new government begins on Wednesday next. Its friends consent to some changes, and particularly to the annexation of a declaration of rights. This will probably be proposed by Congress to the several assemblies, and thus a new convention be avoided. The Virginia Assembly met October 23. They choose for their speaker, Thomas Mathews, (who is this?) They are furiously anti-federal. They have passed a bill rendering every person holding any federal office incapable of holding at the same time any State office. This is a declaration of war against the new Constitution. Mr. Adams is generally expected to be the Vice-President. Hancock is his only competitor. Others are sometimes talked of, but not with their own consent. I see in a Virginia paper of last summer, that George Nicholas advertised his departure to settle in Kentucky this present month of February. Great numbers of American vessels are now arriving in the ports of France with flour and wheat, in consequence of the demand of this country and of the bounty it gives. I have received a letter from Ladian, dated Grand Cairo, September 10. He was just then about to plunge into the terræ incognitæ of Africa. This morning, I received one from Admiral Paul Jones, dated St. Petersburg, January 30, he was just arrived there at the desire of the Empress. He has commanded hitherto on the Black Sea, but does not know whether the Empress destines him to return there or to take any other command.

There has been an affray in Britanny between the Noblesse and people, in which some few were killed. Things there are now quiet, and all the rest of the kingdom is going on well towards its object. In some places, as in Burgundy and Franche-compte, there is an opposition by the Noblesse indeed against the manifest sense of the nation, but I do not apprehend any serious evil from it. The States General are likely to meet under happy auspices. It would seem that the government thinks they will end well, because I observe in their communications with certain unfriendly courts they assume a tone which had been laid aside for some time. Their effects stand well. * * * * The King of England seems to be in a state of convalescence. The symptoms of a return of reason are such that on the 19th instant the House of Lords put off the reading of the Regency bill, and it is even thought there will be no regency, nor any change of ministry. There are not yet sufficient data to ground a judgment whether there will be peace or not between the Turks and the two empires, nor what part Russia will take in the affairs of Poland. The preparations of Sweden and Denmark so far announce a continuation of the war. You have heard, doubtless, of the revolution which took place in Geneva about the last of January. It was the work of three or four days only, and with little bloodshed their ancient constitution is almost completely re-established. Their exiles are to be recalled, the foreign garrison sent off, the Bourgeois guard the city, and the nomination of the Syndics is restored to the council of two hundred. I see no reason to doubt the permanence of this reformation. Here all your acquaintances are well. I continue to keep my house and on such terms as will induce me to keep it as long as I remain in Europe. I fear my departure in the spring may be retarded, as Governeur Morris tells me there would be no probability that the old Congress would re-assemble. In this case I cannot receive my leave of absence from the new government. I have proposed to them the naming you Chargé des Affaires to take care of their business during my absence. You know that we must not be too sanguine on these occasions.

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TO DR. BANCROFT

Paris, March 2, 1789.

Dear Sir,—I have just received a letter of January 31st from Admiral Paul Jones, at Petersburg, in which, charging me with the execution of some commissions, and these requiring money, he tells me you will answer my drafts to the amount of four or five thousand livres, on his account. Be so good as to inform me whether you will pay such drafts.

A Monsieur Foulloy, who has been connected with Deane, lately offered me for sale two volumes of Deane's letter books and account books, that he had taken instead of money, which Deane owed him. I have purchased them on public account. He tells me Deane has still six or eight volumes more, and being to return soon to London, he will try to get them also, in order to make us pay high for them. You are sensible of the impropriety of letting such books get into hands which might make an unfriendly use of them. You are sensible of the immorality of an ex-minister's selling his secrets for money; and consequently that there can be no immorality in tempting him with money to part with them; so that they may be restored to that government to whom they properly belong. Your former acquaintance with Deane may, perhaps, put it in your power to render our country the service of recovering those books. It would not do to propose it to him as for Congress. What other way would best bring it about, you know best. I suppose his distresses and his crapulous habits, will not render him difficult on this head. On the supposition that there are six or eight volumes, I think you might venture as far as fifty guineas, and proportionably for fewer. I will answer your draft to this amount and purpose, or you may retain it out of any moneys you may propose to pay me for Admiral Jones. There is no time to lose in this negotiation, as, should Foulloy arrive there before it is closed, he will spoil the bargain. If you should be able to recover these books, I would ask the favor of you to send them to me by the Diligence, that I may carry them back with me to America. I make no apology for giving you this trouble. It is for our common country, and common interest.

I am, with sincere and great esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MR. SHIPPEN

Paris, March 11, 1789.

Dear Sir,—I had wished to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of January the 19th, and February the 3d, by a private conveyance, but none such having occurred, nor being likely to occur, I must write you such a letter as may go through the inspection of both post offices.

The affairs of this country are still going on well. There are loud contestations indeed in one or two of the provinces, and in Brittany these have come to blows, and some three or four or five people have been killed. Still the opposition to the revolution which is working has been miraculously small, and he who would predict of its failure from the little obstacles which have happened, would be about as good a prophet as he who, from the loss of two or three skirmishes on our part, would have foretold our final failure in the American revolution. All the world here is occupied in electioneering, in choosing or being chosen; and, as far as Paris may be considered as affording a specimen of the public mind, we may say it is almost thoroughly ripe for a just decision of the great question of voting by orders or by persons. The difficulties which now appear threatening to my mind, are those which will result from the size of the Assembly. Twelve hundred persons of any rank and of any nation assembled together, would with difficulty be prevented from tumult and confusion. But when they are to compose an assembly for which no rules of debate or proceeding have been yet formed, in whom no habits of order have been yet established, and to consist moreover of Frenchmen, among whom there are always more speakers than listeners, I confess to you I apprehend some danger. However, I still hope that the goodness of the body, and the coolness and collectedness of some of their leaders, will keep them in the right way, and that this great Assembly will end happily.

The war in the north will, I think, continue, and perhaps spread as far as Prussia. The present and probable situation of the Executive in England, will, I presume, prevent their engaging otherwise than by giving money. If so, this country will certainly not engage herself the present year, and after the present year, if her States General pass over well, she will be in a condition to do what she pleases. I have lately received a letter from Admiral Paul Jones, dated at Petersburg, about the last of January. He was just arrived there on the call of the Empress, and uninformed where he was to act the ensuing campaign. We have no news from America later than the 10th of January, when things were going on well. I find that the friends of the new Constitution are generally disposed to make such changes as may be requisite to guard liberty. This will probably reconcile the bulk of the opposition. Nothing would be more agreeable to me than your company on our voyage to Virginia, and I am sorry I am unable to give such an idea of the epoch of it, as might enable you to decide whether it suited you. Governeur Morris, who is here, informs me that not only there was no Congress when he came away, but that none was expected till the new government. My letters asking leave of absence were not then arrived, and consequently I cannot have that leave but from the new government, nor expect that even they will take it up among their first subjects. This renders the time of my receiving permission uncertain, and should it be so late as that I cannot go, do my business there, and return in the fall, I shall prefer postponing my departure hence to the fall, so that I may return in the spring, being quite decided against a winter passage. You see, therefore, my dear Sir, the impossibility of my fixing the epoch of my departure. Pray continue to me during your stay your interesting political information, and accept assurances of the esteem and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MR. JAY

Paris, March 12, 1789.

Sir,—I had the honor of addressing you on the 1st instant, through the post. I write the present, uncertain whether Mr. Nesbitt, the bearer of your last, will be the bearer of this, or whether it may not have to wait some other private occasion. They have re-established their packet-boats here indeed; but they are to go from Bourdeaux, which, being between four and five hundred miles from hence, is too far to send a courier with any letters but on the most extraordinary occasions; and without a courier, they must pass through the post office. I shall, therefore, not make use of this mode of conveyance, but prefer sending my letters by a private hand, by the way of London. The uncertainty of finding private conveyances to London, is the principal objection to this.

On the receipt of your letter, advising me to purchase the two volumes of Deane's letters and accounts, I wrote to the person who had them, and after some offers and refusals, he let me have them for twenty-five louis, instead of twenty louis asked at first. He told me that Deane had still six or eight volumes more, and that when he should return to London, he would try to get them, in order to make himself whole for the money he had lent Deane. As I knew he would endeavor to make us pay dear for them, and it appeared to be your opinion and that of the members you had consulted, that it was an object worthy attention, I wrote immediately to a friend in London, to endeavor to purchase them from Deane himself, whose distresses and crapulous habits will probably render him more easy to deal with. I authorized him to go as far as fifty guineas. I have as yet no answer from him. I enclose you a letter which I wrote last month to our bankers in Holland. As it will itself explain the cause of its being written, I shall not repeat its substance here. In answer to my proposition, to pay bills for the medals and the redemption of our captives, they quote a resolution of Congress (which, however, I did not find in the printed journals) appropriating the loans of 1787 and 1788 to the payment of interest on the Dutch loans till 1790, inclusive, and the residue to salaries and contingencies in Europe, and they argue that, according to this, they are not to pay anything in Europe, till they shall first have enough to pay all the interest which will become due to the end of the year 1790; and that it is out of personal regard, that they relax from this so far as to pay diplomatic salaries. So that here is a clear declaration they will answer no other demands, till they have in hand money enough for all the interest to the end of the year 1790. It is but a twelvemonth since I have had occasion to pay attention to the proceedings of those gentlemen; but during that time, I have observed, that as soon as a sum of interest is becoming due, they are able to borrow just that, and no more; or, at least, only so much more as may pay our salaries and keep us quiet. Were they not to borrow for the interest, the failure to pay that would sink the value of the capital, of which they are considerable sharers. So far, their interests and ours concur. But there, perhaps, they may separate. I think it possible, they may choose to support our credit to a certain point, and let it go no further, but at their will; to keep it so poised, as that it may be at their mercy. By this, they may be sure to keep us in their own hands. They write word to the treasury, that in order to raise money for the February interest, they were obliged to agree with the subscribers, that Congress should open no other loan at Amsterdam this year, till this one be filled up, and that this shall not be filled but by the present subscribers, and they not obliged to fill it. This is delivering us, bound hand and foot, to the subscribers, that is, to themselves. Finding that they would not raise money for any other purpose, without being pushed, I wrote the letter I enclose you. They answer, as I have stated, by refusing to pay, alleging the appropriation of Congress. I have written again, to press them further, and to propose to them the payment of thirty thousand florins only, for the case of our captives, as I am in hopes this may do. In the close of my letter to them, you will observe I refer them, as to the article of foreign officers, to the board of treasury. I had, in truth, received the printed journals a few days before, but had not yet had time to read them carefully, and particularly had not then noted the vote of Congress of August the 20th, directing me to attend to that article. I shall not fail to do what I can in it; but I am afraid they will consider this also as standing on the same ground with the other contingent articles.

This country, being generally engaged in its elections, affords nothing new and worthy of communication. The hopes of accommodation between Turkey and the two empires, do not gain strength. The war between Russia and Denmark on the one hand, and Sweden on the other, is likely also to go on, the mediation of England being rendered of little force by the accident to its Executive. The progress of this war, and also of the broils in Poland, may possibly draw the King of Prussia into it, during the ensuing campaign; and it must, before it be finished, take in this country, and perhaps England. The ill humor on account of the Dutch revolution continues to rankle here. They have recalled their ambassador from the Hague, and manifestly to show their dissatisfaction with that court, and some very dry memorials have lately been exchanged, on the subject of the money this country assumed to pay the Emperor, for the Dutch. I send you very full extracts of these, which will show you the dispositions of the two courts towards each other. Whether, and when this country will be able to take an active part, will depend on the issue of the States General. If they fund their public debts judiciously, and will provide further funds for a war, on the English plan, I believe they will be able to borrow any sums they please. In the meantime, the situation of England will leave them at leisure to settle their internal affairs well. That ministry, indeed, pretend their King is perfectly re-established. No doubt they will make the most of his amendment, which is real, to a certain degree. But as, under pretence of this, they have got rid of the daily certificates of the physicians, and they are possessed of the King's person, the public must judge hereafter from such facts only as they can catch. There are several at present which, put together, induce a presumption that the King is only better, not well. And should he be well, time will be necessary to give a confidence, that it is not merely a lucid interval. On the whole, I think we may conclude, that that country will not take a part in the war this year, which was by no means certain before.

M. del Pinto, formerly minister of Portugal at London, and the same who negotiated the treaty with us, being now put at the head of the ministry of that country, I presume that negotiation may be renewed successfully, if it be the desire of our government. Perhaps an admission of our flour into their ports may be obtained now, as M. del Pinto seemed impressed with our reasoning on that subject, and promised to press it on his court, though he could not then venture to put it into the treaty. There is not the same reason to hope any relaxation as to our reception in Brazil, because he would scarcely let us mention that at all. I think, myself, that it is their interest to take away all temptations to our co-operation in the emancipation of their colonies: and I know no means of doing this, but the making it our interest that they should continue dependent, nor any other way of making this our interest, but by allowing us a commerce with them. However, this is a mode of reasoning which their ministry, probably, could not bear to listen to.

I send herewith the gazettes of France and Leyden, and have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.