Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 2 (of 9)
TO MR. JAY
Paris, September 24, 1788.
Sir,—Understanding that the vessel is not yet sailed from Havre, which is to carry my letters of the 3d and 5th instant, I am in hopes you will receive the present with them. The Russian accounts of their victories on the Black Sea, must have been greatly exaggerated. According to these, the Captain Pacha's fleet was annihilated; yet themselves have lately brought him on the stage again, with fifteen ships of the line, in order to obtain another victory over him. I believe the truth to be that he has suffered some checks, of what magnitude it is impossible to say where one side alone is heard, and that he is still master of that sea. He has relieved Oczakow, which still holds out; Choczim also is still untaken, and the Emperor's situation is apprehended to be bad. He spun his army into a long cord, to cover several hundred miles of frontier, which put it in the power of the Turks to attack with their whole force wherever they pleased. Laudon, now called to head the imperial army, is endeavoring to collect it; but in the meantime the campaign is drawing to a close, and has been worse than fruitless. The resistance of Russia to Sweden, has been successful in every point, by sea and land. This, with the interference of Denmark, and the discontent of the Swedish nation, at the breach of their constitution, by the King's undertaking an offensive war, without the consent of the Senate, has obliged him to withdraw his attacks by land, and to express a willingness for peace; one-third of his officers have refused to serve. England and Prussia have offered their mediation between Sweden and Russia, in such equivocal terms, as to leave themselves at liberty to say it was an offer, or was not, just as it shall suit them. Denmark is asking the counter-offer of mediation from this court. If England and Prussia make a peace effectually in the north, (which it is absolutely in their power to do,) it will be a proof they do not intend to enter into the war; if they do not impose a peace, I should suspect they mean to engage themselves; as one can hardly suppose they would let the war go on in its present form, wherein Sweden must be crushed between Russia and Denmark.
The Garde des Sceaux, M. de Lamoignon, was dismissed the 14th instant, and M. de Barentin is appointed in his room. The deputies of Bretagne are released from the Bastile, and M. d'Epermesnil and M. Sabatier recalled from their confinement. The parliament is not yet reinstated; but it is confidently said it will be this week. The stocks continue low, and the treasury under a hard struggle to keep the government in motion. It is believed the meeting of the States General will be as early as January, perhaps December. I have received a duplicate of the ratification of the loan of 1788, by Congress, and a duplicate of a letter of July the 22d, from the treasury board, on another subject, but none on that of the captives or foreign officers. I suppose some cause of delay must have intervened between the ratification of Congress, and the consequent orders of the Treasury Board. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. SHIPPEN
Paris, September 29, 1788.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 22d is just received. My occupations obliging me to economize my time and labor, where it can be done, I have, since your departure, addressed either yourself or Mr. Rutledge singly, hoping your goodness would excuse my writing to either for both. In like manner, I have lately written to Mr. Short for all three. I now take the liberty of addressing you for the triumvirate. No news yet from North Carolina; but in such a case no news is good news, as an unfavorable decision of the 12th State would have flown like an electrical shock through America and Europe. A letter from Governor Rutledge of August 10th, says nothing of North Carolina; this silence is a proof that all was well. That convention was to meet July 23d, and not July 4th, as we had been told. A dispute is excited in Philadelphia which is likely to make a noise. Oswald, the printer, being sued, published something in his own paper relative to the cause. It was construed by the judges a contempt of the court. They made a rule against him to show cause why he should not be attached. He appeared, the attachment was awarded, and he called on to answer interrogatories. He refused to answer interrogatories. The court gave him till next morning to consider. He appeared then, and still refused. By that time, however, it would seem as if the court themselves had considered better of it, for their counsel (I suspect it was W–n), declared it was never the intention of the court to compel him to answer interrogatories, and accordingly, without proposing any, or hearing his counsel, they committed him to prison for one month, and fined him ten pounds. Hereupon petitions were signed, one to the Executive to pardon Oswald, the other to the Legislature to punish the judges. The news of this country since my letter to Mr. Short, is that the Bretagne deputies are recalled from the Bastile, and d'Epermesnil and Sabatier from their prisons; the etats genereaux are to meet in the course of January, the court keeping the day of the month still in reserve; the parliament has returned to its functions by permission. Their first arreté has been to demand the etats genereaux in the form of 1614. Here the cloven hoof begins to appear. While the existence of parliament itself was endangered by the royal authority, they were calling for the etats genereaux; now they obtained a kind of victory, they see danger to themselves from those very etats genereaux, and determine to have them in a form which will neither merit nor command the confidence of the nation, or to prepare a ground for combatting their authority if they should be well-composed, and should propose a reformation of the parliaments. I will, immediately, according to the desire you are pleased to express, send a French copy of the notes on Virginia to the Syndic Cayla. M. Tronchin goes there himself this week. I am very sorry you are obliged to abridge your tour. With respect to your route from Milan to London, on which you were pleased to consult me, I would certainly prefer Genoa, thence along the coast to Nice, (absolutely by land, in defiance of all the persuasions you will be exposed to go by water,) thence to Toulon and Marseilles. There it will depend on your time, whether you will go by Nismes, the canal of Languedoc (in the post boat), Bordeaux, Paris and Calais, or whether you must come on directly from Marseilles to Paris and Calais. But even in the latter case, make the small deviation to Nismes, to see the most perfect remains of antiquity which exist on earth. My absence from Paris becomes more doubtful than it was. I had hoped to go to Champagne to see the vintage. I am not certain now that my business will permit it in every case; letters sent to me here will be properly forwarded. Present my affectionate regards to your two travelling companions, and be assured of the esteem and attachment with which I am sincerely, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
TO M. DE REYNEVAL
Paris, October 1, 1788.
Sir,—I have now the honor of enclosing to you a copy of the letter of September the 16th, which I had that of writing to his Excellency the Count de Montmorin, with the papers therein referred to, and of soliciting the order I have asked for. The originals were sent at the date before mentioned. Notwithstanding the refusal of the houses of Schweighauser and Dobrée, and of Puchilberg, to settle their claim against the United States by arbitration, as I proposed to them, the United States will still be ready to do them justice. But those houses must first retire from the only two propositions they have ever yet made, to wit, either a payment of their demand without discussion, or a discussion before the tribunals of the country. In the meantime, I shall hope an acknowledgment with respect to us, of the principle which holds as to other nations; that our public property here, cannot be seized by the territorial judge. It is the more interesting to us, as we shall be more and longer exposed than other nations, to draw arms and military stores from Europe. Our preference of this country, has occasioned us to draw them from hence alone, since the peace; and the friendship we have constantly experienced from the government, will, we doubt not, on this and every other occasion, insure to us the protection of what we purchase. I have the honor to be, Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. CUTTING
Paris, Oct. 2, 1788.
Dear Sir,—I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 16th and 23d ultimo, and to thank you for the intelligence they conveyed. That respecting the case of the interrogatories in Pennsylvania, ought to make a noise. So evident a heresy in the common law, ought not to be tolerated on the authority of two or three civilians, who happened, unfortunately, to make authority in the courts of England. I hold it essential, in America, to forbid that any English decision which has happened since the accession of Lord Mansfield to the bench, should ever be cited in a court; because, though there have come many good ones from him, yet there is so much sly poison instilled into a great part of them, that it is better to proscribe the whole. Can you inform me what has been done by England, on the subject of our wheat and flour? The papers say it is prohibited, even in Hanover. How do their whale fisheries turn out this year? I hope a deep wound will be given them in that article, soon, and such as will leave us in no danger from their competition.
I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN
Paris, October 23, 1788.
Sir,—I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency on the subject of the Arret which has lately appeared for prohibiting the importation of whale oil and spermaceti, the produce of foreign fisheries. This prohibition being expressed in general terms, seems to exclude the whale oils of the United States of America, as well as of the nations of Europe. The uniform disposition, however, which his majesty and his ministers have shown to promote the commerce between France and the United States, by encouraging our productions to come hither, and particularly those of our fisheries, induces me to hope that these were not within their view at the passing of this Arret. I am led the more into this opinion, when I recollect the assiduity employed for several months, in the year 1785, by the committee appointed by government to investigate the objects of commerce of the two countries, and to report the encouragement of which it was susceptible. The result of that investigation, which his Majesty's Comptroller General did me the honor to communicate in a letter of the 22d of October, 1786, stating therein the principles which should be established for the future regulation of that commerce, and particularly distinguishing the article of whale oils by an abatement of the duties on them for the present, and a promise of farther abatement after the year 1790. The thorough re-investigation with which Monsieur de Lambert honored this subject, when the letter of 1786 was to be put into the form of an Arret, that Arret itself bearing date the 29th of December last, which ultimately confirmed the abatement of duty, present and future, and Hord declared that his Majesty reserved himself to grant other favors to that production, if, on further information, he shall find it for the interest of the two nations;—and finally, the letter in which M. Lambert did me the honor to enclose the Arret, and to assure me that the duties which had been levied on our whale oils contrary to the intention of our letter of 1786, should be restored. On a review of all these circumstances, I cannot but presume that it has not been intended to reverse in a moment views so maturely digested and uniformly pursued; and that the general expressions of the Arret of September the 28th, had within their contemplation the nations of Europe only. This presumption is further strengthened by having observed that in the treaties of commerce, made since the epoch of our independence, the jura gentis amici form conceded to other nations, are expressly restrained to those of the most favored European nations: his Majesty wisely foreseeing that it would be expedient to regulate the commerce of a nation, which brings nothing but raw materials to employ the industry of his subjects, very differently from that of the European nations, who bring mostly what has already passed through all the stages of manufacture. On these considerations, I take the liberty of asking information from your Excellency as to the intent of the late Arret; and if I have not been mistaken in supposing it did not mean to abridge that of December 29th, I would solicit an explanatory Arret , to prevent the misconstructions of it which will otherwise take place. It is much to be desired, too, that this explanation could be given as soon as possible, in order that it may be handed out with the Arret of September 28th. Great alarm will otherwise be spread among the merchants and adventurers in the fisheries; who, confiding in the stability of regulations, which his Majesty's wisdom had so long and well matured, have embarked their fortunes in speculations in this branch of business. The importance of the subject to one of the principal members of our Union, induces me to attend with great anxiety a re-assurance from your Excellency that no change has taken place in his Majesty's views on this subject; and that his dispositions to multiply, rather than diminish the combinations of interest between the two people, continue unaltered.
Commerce is slow in changing its channel. That between this country and the United States is as yet but beginning, and this beginning has received some checks. The Arret in question would be a considerable one, without the explanations I have the honor to ask. I am persuaded that a continuation of the dispositions which have been hitherto manifested towards us, will ensure effects, political and commercial, of value to both nations.
I have had too many proofs of the friendly interest your Excellency is pleased to take in whatever may strengthen the bands and connect the views of the two countries, to doubt your patronage of the present application, or to pretermit any occasion of repeating assurances of those sentiments of high respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. SHORT
Paris, November 2, 1788.
Dear Sir,– * * * * *
Our news from America is to the beginning of October. Pennsylvania had elected its two Senators for the new government, Robert Morris and a Mr. McCay. Morris had an arrival from China worth £150,000. An ill-understanding between Mr. Adams and Mr. Hancock, both proposed as Vice-Presidents, and every State likely to bring forward a candidate of their own, in which case, you know, the Senate will choose from among those possessing the greatest number of votes, if there be an equality of votes. A general hail storm about the 26th of August has done great mischief from New Hampshire to Virginia. It occasioned the price of tobacco there immediately to rise to 30s. The King of England has for some time been at death's door. His disease is dropsical, tending to the head. A perpetual delirium, with rare and doubtful lucid intervals, makes it strongly believed to be a regular hydrocephalus, in which case the skilful pronounce either his death or insanity. The parliament was to meet yesterday on its prorogation, and it was under contemplation that they should establish a regency. Here, the Notables are in session, but they have deservedly lost their popularity. It is evident that the court wishes to give to the tiers etat a double number of votes. The bureau of Monsieur voted this by a majority of one voice only. The other bureau rejected it almost unanimously. There is a great outcry against this, and the friends of the people and of justice will try the question over again in an assembly of all the bureaux—but there seem no hopes of success. This is the first event which has shown that there will be a combination of the nobles and clergy, and consequently it will throw the people decidedly into the scale of the King. This may end in liberty or despotism, at his will. I think that both he and his ministry are in favor of liberty, and that having twenty-three millions and a half of the people on their side, they will call the other half million to order, and show them that instead of being two thirds of the nation, they are but the forty-eighth.
TO MR. CUTTING
Paris, November 3, 1788.
Dear Sir,—I have now the honor to acknowledge your favors of the 30th of September, 5th, 6th, 7th and 17th of October, which I should have done sooner, but that there was no new occurrence well ascertained and worth communicating. I think it now pretty certain that an alliance is entered into between England, Prussia, and Sweden, to which Holland is to accede, so as to make it quadruple. The Prussian army is on its march towards Holstein, under the command of Prince Frederick of Brunswick; a poor head. There is also said to be an army of 60,000 Prussians in Silesia, ready to overawe Poland, should it take side with Russia. Of this last fact, however, I am not sure. It would seem, then, as if Prussia meant to enter into the war, or is it only to induce Denmark to withdraw and leave Russia and Sweden to fight their own battles? If it does not produce this effect, will England lie by, and only engage in case France should move? These are points uncertain as yet. One thing is certain: that this country will make no move which may engage her in war, till after her Etats Genereux. The Notables meet on Thursday next, to decide on the form of composing and calling the Etats Genereux. What will be their form, cannot yet be foreseen; much less what they will do. They will undoubtedly give money to the government, but probably for a short time, and make it the price of some concessions from the King for limiting his own rights, and enlarging those of the nation. They will surely provide for the regular convocation of the States General in future. Other things talked of, are a bill of rights, habeas corpus civil list, and a negative at least on legislative acts. The kingdom has been in the most perfect tranquillity since the announcing the States General for January. I doubt, however, the possibility of convoking them so soon.
Prince Henry of Russia arrived here the day before yesterday. Remarkable deaths are the Marshal de Biron and Marquis de Chastellux.
Nobody wishes more sincerely than I do to see the States, individually as well as collectively, extricate themselves from their debts. But having, in the letters I formerly gave you for South Carolina, said as much on that subject as prudence would permit me, I am afraid to add anything more. I thank you for your information on the subject of the whale fishery. After the hint I gave you, you would not expect to see the Arret of September 26th. I cannot now explain it to you, nor tell you with certainty in what form it will finally rest as to us. I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. DUMAS
Paris, November 3, 1788.
Dear Sir,—I have duly received your favors of the 10th and 23d of October, and sincerely sympathize with you in your sufferings, without being able to relieve them. Nor can I even conjecture what Congress will decide as to the Brussels proposition. I should be puzzled myself to suggest anything better at this moment.
You have doubtless heard that North Carolina has thought it best to propose amendments to the new Constitution before acceding to it. She has no disposition to separate from the Union, even if no amendments be made, as she has not come to a negative decision, but left the matter open. So many States have desired alterations, that I suppose those will be made in which almost all have agreed. A bill of rights will comprehend most of them. In the meantime, the new government will go on.
The Notables meet at Versailles the day after to-morrow, to decide on the composition and convocation of the States General. Till the States shall meet, this country will probably not take any measure which may engage it in a war. In the meantime, the King of Prussia seems itching to be engaged. He calculates only on the torpitude of the present moment in which France is: he does not seem to take into account the difference between his head and the late King's. This may be equal, perhaps, to half his army. I have the honor to be, with great esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
