Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 2 (of 9)
TO MR. JAY
Paris, August 3, 1788.
Sir,—My last letters to you were of the 4th and 23d of May, with a postscript of the 27th. Since that, I have been honored with yours of April the 24th, May the 16th and June the 9th.
The most remarkable internal occurrences since my last, are these. The Noblesse of Bretagne, who had received with so much warmth the late innovations in the government, assembled, and drew up a memorial to the King, and chose twelve members of their body to come and present it. Among these was the Marquis de La Rouerie, (Colonel Armand.) The King, considering the Noblesse as having no legal right to assemble, declined receiving the memorial. The deputies, to give greater weight to it, called a meeting of the landed proprietors of Bretagne, resident at Paris, and proposed to them to add their signatures. They did so, to the number of about sixty, of whom the Marquis de La Fayette was one. The twelve deputies, for having called this meeting, were immediately sent to the Bastile, where they now are, and the Parisian signers were deprived of such favors as they held of the court. There were only four of them, however, who held anything of that kind. The Marquis de La Fayette was one of these. They had given him a military command, to be exercised in the south of France, during the months of August and September, of the present year. This they took from him; so that he is disgraced, in the ancient language of the court, but in truth honorably marked in the eyes of the nation. The ministers are so sensible of this, that they have had, separately, private conferences with him, to endeavor, through him, to keep things quiet. From the character of the province of Bretagne, it was much apprehended, for some days, that the imprisonment of their deputies would have produced an insurrection. But it took another turn. The Cours intermediare of the province, acknowledged to be a legal body, deputed eighteen members of their body to the King. To these he gave an audience, and the answer, of which I send you a copy. This is hard enough. Yet I am in hopes the appeal to the sword will be avoided, and great modifications in the government be obtained, without bloodshed. As yet, none has been spilt, according to the best evidence I have been able to obtain, notwithstanding what the foreign newspapers have said to the contrary. The convocation of the States General has now become inevitable. Whenever the time shall be announced certainly, it will keep the nation quiet till they meet. According to present probabilities, this must be in the course of the next summer; but to what movements their meeting and measures may give occasion, cannot be foreseen. Should a foreign war take place, still they must assemble the States General, because they cannot, but by their aid, obtain money to carry it on. Monsieur de Malesherbes will, I believe, retire from the King's Council. He has been much opposed to the late acts of authority. The Baron de Breteuil has resigned his secretaryship of the domestic department; certainly not for the same reasons, as he is known to have been of opinion, that the King had compromitted too much of his authority. The real reason has probably been an impatience of acting under a principal minister. His successor is M. de Villedeuil, lately Comptroller General.
The Ambassadors of Tippoo Saib have arrived here. If their mission has any other object than that of pomp and ceremony, it is not yet made known. Though this court has not avowed that they are in possession of Trincomale, yet the report is believed, and that possession was taken by General Conway, in consequence of orders given in the moment that they thought a war certain. The dispute with the States General of the United Netherlands, on account of the insult to M. de St. Priest, does not tend, as yet, towards a settlement. He has obtained leave to go to the waters, and perhaps, from thence he may come to Paris, to await events. Sweden has commenced hostilities against Russia, by the taking a little fortress by land. This having been their intention, it is wonderful that when their fleet lately met three Russian ships of one hundred guns each, they saluted instead of taking them. The Empress has declared war against them in her turn. It is well understood that Sweden is set on by England, and paid by the Turks. The prospect of Russia has much brightened by some late successes. Their fleet of galleys and gunboats, twenty-seven in number, having been attacked by fifty-seven Turkish vessels of the same kind, commanded by the Captain Pacha, these were repulsed, with the loss of three vessels. In the action, which was on the 18th of June, Admiral Paul Jones commanded the right wing of the Russians, and the Prince of Nassau, the left. On the 26th of the same month, the Turkish principal fleet, that is to say, their ships of the line, frigates, &c., having got themselves near the swash, at the mouth of the Boristhenes, the Prince of Nassau took advantage of their position, attacked them while so engaged in the mud that they could not manœuvre, burnt six, among which were the admiral's, and vice-admiral's, took two, and made between three and four thousand prisoners. The first reports gave this success to Admiral Paul Jones; but it is now rendered rather probable that he was not there, as he commands the vessels of war which are said not to have been there. It is supposed that his presence in the affair of the 18th, was accidental. But if this success has been so complete as it is represented, the Black Sea must be tolerably open to the Russians: in which case, we may expect, from what we know of that officer, that he will improve to the greatest advantage the situation of things on that sea. The Captain Pacha's standard was taken in the last action, and himself obliged to make his escape in a small vessel. Prince Potemkin immediately got under march for Oczakow, to take advantage of the consternation into which that place was thrown.
The Spanish squadron, after cruising off the western isles and Cape St. Vincent, has returned into port.
A dispute has arisen between the Papal See and the King of Naples, which may, in its progress, enable us to estimate what degree of influence that See retains at the present day. The kingdom of Naples, at an early period of its history, became feudatory to the See of Rome, and in acknowledgment thereof, has annually paid a hackney to the Pope in Rome, to which place it has always been sent by a splendid embassy. The hackney has been refused by the King this year, and the Pope giving him three months to return to obedience, threatens, if he does not, to proceed seriously against him.
About three weeks ago, a person called on me and informed me that Silas Deane had taken him in for a sum of one hundred and twenty guineas, and that being unable to obtain any other satisfaction, he had laid hands on his account book and letter book, and had brought them off to Paris, to offer them first to the United States, if they would repay him his money, and if not, that he should return to London, and offer them to the British minister. I desired him to leave them with me four-and-twenty hours, that I might judge whether they were worth our notice. He did so. They were two volumes. One contained all his accounts with the United States, from his first coming to Europe, to January the 10th, 1781. Presuming that the treasury board was in possession of this account till his arrival in Philadelphia, August, 1778, and that he had never given in the subsequent part, I had that subsequent part copied from the book, and now enclose it, as it may, on some occasion or other, perhaps be useful in the treasury office. The other volume contained all his correspondences from March the 30th to August the 23d, 1777. I had a list of the letters taken, by their dates and addresses, which will enable you to form a general idea of the collection. On perusal of many of them, I thought it desirable that they should not come to the hands of the British minister, and from an expression dropped by the possessor of them, I believe he would have fallen to fifty or sixty guineas. I did not think them important enough, however, to justify my purchasing them without authority; though, with authority, I should have done it. Indeed, I would have given that sum to cut out a single sentence, which contained evidence of a fact, not proper to be committed to the hands of enemies. I told him I would state his proposition to you, and await orders. I gave him back the books, and he returned to London without making any promise that he would await the event of the orders you might think proper to give.
News of the accession of nine States to the new form of federal government, has been received here about a week. I have the honor to congratulate you sincerely on this event. Of its effect at home, you are in the best situation to judge. On this side the Atlantic it is considered as a very wise reformation. In consequence of this, speculations are already begun here, to purchase up our domestic liquidated debt. Indeed, I suspect that orders may have been previously lodged in America to do this, as soon as the new Constitution was accepted effectually. If it is thought that this debt should be retained at home, there is not a moment to lose; and I know of no means of retaining it, but those I suggested to the treasury board, in my letter to them of March the 29th. The transfer of these debts to Europe, will exclusively embarrass, and perhaps totally prevent the borrowing any money in Europe, till these shall be paid off. This is a momentous object, and in my opinion should receive instantaneous attention.
The gazettes of France, to the departure of my letter, will accompany it, and those of Leyden to the 22d of July, at which time their distribution in this country was prohibited. How long the prohibition may continue, I cannot tell. As far as I can judge, it is the only paper in Europe worth reading. Since the suppression of the packet boats, I have never been able to find a safe conveyance for a letter to you, till the present by Mrs. Barclay. Whenever a confidential person shall be going from hence to London, I shall send my letters for you to the care of Mr. Trumbull, who will look out for safe conveyances. This will render the epochs of my writing very irregular. There is a proposition under consideration, for establishing packet boats on a more economical plan, from Havre to Boston; but its success is uncertain, and still more, its duration. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE
Paris, August 9, 1788.
Dear Sir,—Since my last to you, I have to thank you for your favors of July the 27th, 1787, and April the 10th, 1788, and the details they contained; and in return, will give you now the leading circumstances of this continent. * * *
This nation is, at present, under great internal agitation. The authority of the crown on one part, and that of the parliaments on the other, are fairly at issue. Good men take part with neither, but have raised an opposition, the object of which is, to obtain a fixed and temperate constitution. There was a moment, when this opposition ran so high, as to endanger an appeal to arms, in which case, perhaps, it would have been crushed. The moderation of government has avoided this, and they are yielding daily, one right after another, to the nation. They have given them Provincial Assemblies, which will be very perfect representations of the nation, and stand somewhat in the place of our State Assemblies; they have reformed the criminal law; acknowledged the King cannot lay a new tax, without the consent of the States General; and they will call the States General the next year. The object of this body, when met, will be a bill of rights, a civil list, a national assembly meeting at certain epochs, and some other matters of that kind. So that I think it probable, this country will, within two or three years, be in the enjoyment of a tolerably free constitution, and that without its having cost them a drop of blood; for none has yet been spilt, though the English papers have set the whole nation to cutting throats.
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Be assured of those sentiments of esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MONSIEUR DE CREVE-COEUR
Paris, August 9, 1788.
Dear Sir,—While our second revolution is just brought to a happy end with you, yours here is but cleverly under way. For some days, I was really melancholy with the apprehension, that arms would be appealed to, and the opposition crushed in its first efforts. But things seem now to wear a better aspect. While the opposition keeps at its highest wholesome point, government, unwilling to draw the sword, is not forced to do it. The contest here is exactly what it was in Holland: a contest between the monarchical and aristocratical parts of the government, for a monopoly of despotism over the people. The aristocracy in Holland, seeing that their common prey was likely to escape out of their clutches, chose rather to retain its former portion, and therefore coalesced with the single head. The people remained victims. Here, I think, it will take a happier turn. The parliamentary part of the aristocracy is alone firmly united. The Noblesse and Clergy, but especially the former, are divided partly between the parliamentary and the despotic party, and partly united with the real patriots, who are endeavoring to gain for the nation what they can, both from the parliamentary and the single despotism. I think I am not mistaken in believing that the King and some of his ministers are well affected to this band; and surely, that they will make great cessions to the people, rather than small ones to the parliament. They are, accordingly, yielding daily to the national reclamations, and will probably end, in according a well-tempered constitution. They promise the States General for the next year, and I have good information that an Arret will appear the day after to-morrow, announcing them for May, 1789. How they will be composed, and what they will do, cannot be foreseen. Their convocation, however, will tranquillize the public mind, in a great degree, till their meeting. There are, however, two intervening difficulties: 1. Justice cannot till then continue completely suspended, as it now is. The parliament will not resume their functions, but in their entire body. The baillages are afraid to accept of them. What will be done? 2. There are well-founded fears of a bankruptcy before the month of May. In the meantime, the war is spreading from nation to nation. Sweden has commenced hostilities against Russia; Denmark is showing its teeth against Sweden; Prussia against Denmark; and England too deeply engaged in playing the back game, to avoid coming forward, and dragging this country and Spain in with her. But even war will not prevent the assembly of the States General, because it cannot be carried on without them. War, however, is not the most favorable moment for divesting the monarchy of power. On the contrary, it is the moment when the energy of a single hand shows itself in the most seducing form.
A very considerable portion of this country has been desolated by a hail. I considered the newspaper accounts, of hailstones of ten pounds weight, as exaggerations. But in a conversation with the Duke de La Rochefoucault, the other day, he assured me, that though he could not say he had seen such himself, yet he considered the fact as perfectly established. Great contributions, public and private, are making for the sufferers. But they will be like the drop of water from the finger of Lazarus. There is no remedy for the present evil, nor way to prevent future ones, but to bring the people to such a state of ease, as not to be ruined by the loss of a single crop. This hail may be considered as the coup de grace to an expiring victim. In the arts, there is nothing new discovered since you left us, which is worth communicating. Mr. Payne's iron bridge was exhibited here, with great approbation. An idea has been encouraged, of executing it in three arches, at the King's garden. But it will probably not be done.
I am, with sentiments of perfect esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO J. BANNISTER, JR., ESQ
Paris, August 9, 1788.
Dear Sir,– * * * * * * * *
This country at present is extremely agitated by the disputes between the King and his parliaments. Between these two parties there is a middle patriotic one, proceeding with a steady step to recover from both what they can for the nation, and I think they will obtain a pretty good constitution. It is now pretty certain they will call the States General the next year, and probably in the month of May. It is expected that Assembly will endeavor to fix some certain limits to the royal authority. The Swedes have commenced hostilities against the Russians, and obtained a small advantage in an engagement on the Baltic. The Russians have had two considerable actions on the Black Sea with the Turks. The first was in their favor, the second a complete victory. In the first, Admiral Paul Jones commanded the right wing. He was not at the second action. He commands the ships of war on that sea. Both actions were by the Russian gallies, commanded by the Prince of Nassau, and Paul Jones seems to have been accidentally present in the first. These victories will probably have a great effect. This country wishes to keep out of the war, but I doubt the possibility of it. Your affectionate friend and humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE COUNT DE MOUSTIER
Paris, August 9, 1788.
Dear Sir,—Though your numerous and well-informed correspondents here must keep you constantly au courant of what passes in Europe, yet I cannot relinquish the privilege of writing to you altogether, merely because I can tell you nothing but what you learn better from other hands. You will have heard of the astonishing revolution in the politics of Sweden, which has lately carried her into the scale favored by England and opposed to France. Hostilities were commenced by the Swedes, by the attack of a small Russian post. They pretend the Russians had previously entered on their territory and burnt a village or two, but it is believed that this pretended aggression was by Swedes themselves in Cossack dress, to give a color for hostilities where none existed before. It is said, and believed, there has been a naval action on the Baltic, wherein the Russians were obliged to retire, with the loss of two ships. But the latter have been more fortunate in two actions against the Turks, on the Black Sea. In the first, they but barely repulsed the Turks, with the loss of three vessels of the latter. In the second, they obtained a complete and decisive victory. I think there is a hope that Denmark will still oppose itself to Sweden. If so, the balance of naval power will still be preserved in some degree; for though Sweden may return to France on a future occasion if the latter should not be obliged to enter into the present war, if she does enter into it, I apprehend Sweden will ultimately arrange herself with the adverse party. And that she must enter into, in the long run, I think extremely probable. I sincerely wish this may not be, till she shall have arranged her internal affairs. These, in my opinion, are going on in the fairest way possible to produce good to the body of the nation. The progress already made is great, and the cry for further improvement, without being strong enough to induce government to draw the sword and crush the opposition, is strong enough to goad them on towards the establishment of a constitution. I think that among the ministers themselves there are some good patriots who are not entirely displeased at this degree of violence. It is already announced that the States General will be called in 1789, and I have tolerably good information that an Arret will appear the day after to-morrow announcing them for May, 1789; but my letters must go off to-morrow, so that this intelligence cannot be confirmed in them. You will have heard that the Baron de Breteuil is retired, and Monsieur de Villedeuil in his place. M. de Malesherbes has endeavored to retire, but as yet he is over-powered by strong intercession. The Marechal de Richelieu died yesterday. The Marechal de Vaux is at the point of death in Dauphine. The Ambassadors of Tippoo Saib are to be received to-morrow at Versailles in great pomp. I go to see this jeu d'enfants. I wish Madame de Brehan could be there to paint it. By this time, I am afraid she is ready to do justice to my information on the subject of my own country, that the Cultivateur Americaine had been too much disposed to see the fair side; that it had too sides as well as all other countries, &c. I beg her indulgence for our foibles, and a continuance particularly of her partiality to me. Be so good as to present me very affectionately to her, and to be assured of the sincerity of the esteem and attachment with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
