Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 4 (of 9)
TO MR. MADISON
Monticello, September 16, 1805.
Dear Sir,—The enclosed letter from General Armstrong furnishes matter for consideration. You know the French considered themselves entitled to the Rio Bravo, and that Laussal declared his orders to be to receive possession to that limit, but not to Perdido; and that France has to us been always silent as to the western boundary, while she spoke decisively as to the eastern. You know Turreau agreed with us that neither party should strengthen themselves in the disputed country during negotiation; and Armstrong, who says Monroe concurs with him, is of opinion, from the character of the Emperor, that were we to restrict ourselves to taking the posts on the west side of the Mississippi, and threaten a cessation of intercourse with Spain, Bonaparte would interpose efficiently to prevent the quarrel from going further. Add to these things the fact that Spain has sent five hundred colonists to St. Antonio, and one hundred troops to Nacogdoches, and probably has fixed or prepared a post at the Bay of St. Bernard, at Matagordo. Supposing, then, a previous alliance with England to guard us in the worst event, I should propose that Congress should pass acts, 1, authorizing the executive to suspend intercourse with Spain at discretion; 2, to dislodge the new establishments of Spain between the Mississippi and Bravo; and 3, to appoint commissioners to examine and ascertain all claims for spoliation that they might be preserved for future indemnification. I commit these ideas merely for consideration, and that the subject may be matured by the time of our meeting at Washington, where I shall be myself on the 2d of October. I have for some time feared I should not have the pleasure of seeing you either in Albemarle or Orange, from a general observation of the slowness of surgical cases. However, should Mrs. Madison be well enough for you to come to Orange, I will call on you on my way to Washington, if I can learn you are at home. General Dearborne is here. His motions depend on the stage. Accept for Mrs. Madison and yourself affectionate salutations.
P. S. I am afraid Bowdoin's journey to England will furnish a ground for Pinckney's remaining at Madrid. I think he should be instructed to leave it immediately, and Bowdoin might as well, perhaps, delay going there till circumstances render it more necessary.
TO MR. GALLATIN
Washington, October 18, 1805.
Dear Sir,—I had detained the letter of Mr. Merry on Foster's claims of freedom from importing duties, in expectation that Mr. Madison's return would enable him, you and myself, to confer on it. If the case presses, I will express my opinion on it. Every person diplomatic in his own right, is entitled to the privileges of the law of nations, in his own right. Among these is the receipt of all packages unopened and unexamined by the country which receives him. The usage of nations has established that this shall liberate whatever is imported bonâ fide for his own use, from paying any duty. A government may control the number of diplomatic characters it will receive; but if it receives them it cannot control their rights while bonâ fide exercised. Thus Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, Colonel Humphreys, and myself, all residing at Paris at the same time, had all of us our importation duty free. Great Britain had an ambassador and a minister plenipotentiary there, and an ambassador extra for several years; all three had their entries free. In most countries this privilege is permanent. Great Britain is niggardly, and allows it only on the first arrival. But in this as she treats us only as she does the most favored nations, so we should treat her as we do the most favored nations. If these principles are right, Mr. Foster is duty free. If you concur, let it be so settled. If you think differently, let it lie for Madison's opinion. Colonel Monroe, in a letter of May, from Madrid, expressed impatience to get back to London that he might get to America before the equinox. It was the first I had heard of his having any thought of coming here, and though equivocally expressed, I thought he meant only a visit. In subsequent letters from Paris and London, down to August 16, he says nothing of coming; on the contrary, he has re-opened a particular negotiation. The motives which led him to wish to arrive before the equinox would prevent his venturing between the equinox and winter. I think, therefore, he has no fixed idea of coming away. Accept affectionate salutations.
TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER
Washington, March 2, 1806.
Gentlemen,—I have received the favor of your letter of February the 2d, and read with thankfulness its obliging expressions respecting myself. I regret that the object of a letter from persons whom I so much esteem, and patronized by so many other respectable names, should be beyond the law which a mature consideration of circumstances has prescribed for my conduct. I deem it the duty of every man to devote a certain portion of his income for charitable purposes; and that it is his further duty to see it so applied as to do the most good of which it is capable. This I believe to be best insured, by keeping within the circle of his own inquiry and information the subjects of distress to whose relief his contributions shall be applied. If this rule be reasonable in private life, it becomes so necessary in my situation, that to relinquish it would leave me without rule or compass. The applications of this kind from different parts of our own, and from foreign countries, are far beyond any resources within my command. The mission of Serampore, in the East Indies, the object of the present application, is but one of many items. However disposed the mind may feel to unlimited good, our means having limits, we are necessarily circumscribed by them. They are too narrow to relieve even the distresses under my own eye; and to desert these for others which we neither see nor know, is to omit doing a certain good for one which is uncertain. I know, indeed, there have been splendid associations for effecting benevolent purposes in remote regions of the earth. But no experience of their effect has proved that more good would not have been done by the same means employed nearer home. In explaining, however, my own motives of action, I must not be understood as impeaching those of others. Their views are those of an expanded liberality. Mine may be too much restrained by the law of usefulness. But it is a law to me, and with minds like yours, will be felt as a justification. With this apology, I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of high esteem and respect.
TO MR. DUANE
Washington, March 22, 1806.
I thank you, my good Sir, cordially, for your letter of the 12th, which however I did not receive till the 20th. It is a proof of sincerity, which I value above all things; as, between those who practise it, falsehood and malice work their efforts in vain. There is an enemy somewhere endeavoring to sow discord among us. Instead of listening first, then doubting, and lastly believing anile tales handed round without an atom of evidence, if my friends will address themselves to me directly, as you have done, they shall be informed with frankness and thankfulness. There is not a truth on earth which I fear or would disguise. But secret slanders cannot be disarmed, because they are secret. Although you desire no answer, I shall give you one to those articles admitting a short answer, reserving those which require more explanation than the compass of a letter admits, to conversation on your arrival here. And as I write this for your personal satisfaction, I rely that my letter will, under no circumstances, be communicated to any mortal, because you well know how every syllable from me is distorted by the ingenuity of my political enemies.
In the first place, then, I have had less communication, directly or indirectly, with the republicans of the east, this session, than I ever had before. This has proceeded from accidental circumstances, not from design. And if there be any coolness between those of the south and myself, it has not been from me towards them. Certainly there has been no other reserve than to avoid taking part in the divisions among our friends. That Mr. R. has openly attacked the administration is sufficiently known. We were not disposed to join in league with Britain, under any belief that she is fighting for the liberties of mankind, and to enter into war with Spain, and consequently France. The House of Representatives were in the same sentiment, when they rejected Mr. R.'s resolutions for raising a body of regular troops for the western service. We are for a peaceable accommodation with all those nations, if it can be effected honorably. This, perhaps, is not the only ground of his alienation; but which side retains its orthodoxy, the vote of eighty-seven to eleven republicans may satisfy you; but you will better satisfy yourself on coming here, where alone the true state of things can be known, and where you will see republicanism as solidly embodied on all essential points, as you ever saw it on any occasion.
That there is only one minister who is not opposed to me, is totally unfounded. There never was a more harmonious, a more cordial administration, nor ever a moment when it has been otherwise. And while differences of opinion have been always rare among us, I can affirm, that as to present matters, there was not a single paragraph in my message to Congress, or those supplementary to it, in which there was not a unanimity of concurrence in the members of the administration. The fact is, that in ordinary affairs every head of a department consults me on those of his department, and where anything arises too difficult or important to be decided between us, the consultation becomes general.
That there is an ostensible cabinet and a concealed one, a public profession and concealed counteraction, is false.
That I have denounced republicans by the epithet of Jacobins, and declared I would appoint none but those called moderates of both parties, and that I have avowed or entertain any predilection for those called the third party, or Quids, is in every tittle of it false.
That the expedition of Miranda was countenanced by me, is an absolute falsehood, let it have gone from whom it might; and I am satisfied it is equally so as to Mr. Madison. To know as much of it as we could was our duty, but not to encourage it.
Our situation is difficult; and whatever we do is liable to the criticisms of those who wish to represent it awry. If we recommend measures in a public message, it may be said that members are not sent here to obey the mandates of the President, or to register the edicts of a sovereign. If we express opinions in conversation, we have then our Charles Jenkinsons, and back-door counsellors. If we say nothing, "we have no opinions, no plans, no cabinet." In truth it is the fable of the old man, his son and ass, over again.
These are short facts which may suffice to inspire you with caution, until you can come here and examine for yourself. No other information can give you a true insight into the state of things; but you will have no difficulty in understanding them when on the spot. In the meantime, accept my friendly salutations and cordial good wishes.
INDEX TO VOL. IV
Adams, John—Opposition to his administration in connection with war with France, 229.
The effects of his war policy, 234, 235.
Expenses of his administration, 259.
State of parties during his administration, 262, 263.
His appointments to office, 356, 383, 386.
Relations between him and Mr. Jefferson, 545, 555, 560.
Policy of his administration in relation to French war, 290, 291, 298.
Agriculture—Profits of, in Virginia, 3.
Alien and Sedition Laws—Proposed, 237, 242, 244.
Objections to, 258.
Copy of Kentucky resolutions sent to Mr. Madison, 258.
Resolutions on, by Kentucky, 305.
Army—Reduction of, 430.
Bacon's Rebellion—528.
Balls—Dissensions about birth-night balls, 218.
Barbary States—War with Tripoli, 574.
Bureau—The case of the, 405.
Bonaparte—His expedition to Egypt, 278, 280.
Establishment of Consular government by, 315, 320.
His administrative talents, 320.
His character and purposes, 322.
Jerome Bonaparte's marriage with Miss Patterson, 510.
Boundary—Difficulty between Virginia and Maryland in reference to, 162.
Callendar—Mr. Jefferson's relations with, 445, 447, 448.
Capitol—Building of, 435.
Carolina, South—Notice of effort to excite insurrection among negroes, 98.
Charities—Principles on which bestowed, 589.
Climate—Of Europe and America compared, 570.
(See 21.)
Commerce—Condition of commerce of U. States in 1798, 213.
Commercial relations with Great Britain, 214.
French regulations in relation to, 220, 221.
Consuls—One nation not bound to receive Consuls from another, 90.
How commissions for Consuls to U. States addressed, 91.
The limits of the Consular jurisdiction, 39.
No consuls permitted in British West Indies, 69.
Revocation of Exequater of French consul, 72.
Jurisdiction of, over prizes, 83, 84.
Constitution—Declaration of its principles desirable, 328.
Mode of construction by federalists, 329.
Its true principles, 330.
Principles of the eastern States, 331.
Convention, Federal—What done with journal of, 136.
Dearborne, Lieut.—Made Secretary of War, 356.
Departments—Circular to Heads of, 315.
Dumourier, General—His desertion and character, 5.
Education—Proposition to remove College of Geneva to United States, 108, 113.
Importance of, 119.
System of schools and colleges proposed by Mr. Jefferson, 317.
Elections—Members of Congress should be elected by Districts and not by general ticket, 308.
England—Her refusal to surrender our military posts, 95.
Carries off negroes at end of Revolutionary war, 96.
Danger of war with, 102, 105.
Our dependence on, 172.
Europe—Condition of, in 1798, 217, 218.
Excise—The obnoxious character of, 112.
Executives—Mode of communicating between State and Federal governments, 401.
Federalists—Character of the party, 112, 139, 197, 448.
Their ascendancy, 140, 141.
The moderate portion of the party, 361.
Mr. Jefferson's policy towards, 451, 484, 542.
Finance—Reforms in, 428, 430.
Floridas, The—Their cession to France, 432.
Foreign Policy—414.
France—Condition of, in 1793, 8.
Affection of our people for, 123.
Her victories in Europe, 182.
Danger of war with, in 1797, 181, 183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277.
Special mission to, to preserve peace, 187, 208, 232, 234.
War with, avoided, 189, 190.
Silence of Envoys to, favorable, 216.
Their negotiations in France, 232, 234, 251.
Talleyrand's intrigues with, 234, 235, 270.
Return of Envoys to United States, 250.
The X. Y. Z. delusion, 265, 271, 274.
Effect of, in United States, 275.
Conduct of Envoys, 271, 272.
Disposition of France to peace, 271, 275, 276, 288, 292, 293.
Establishment of the Consulate, 315.
Unfriendly feeling in, towards United States, 448.
Condition of, under Bonaparte, 452, 493, 496.
Genet, M.—His conduct, 7, 20, 31, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 64, 68, 84.
His recall asked, 50.
Petitions to have Mr. Jay prosecuted for libelling him, 97.
Gerry, Elbridge—Letter from, on political condition of U. S. and his mission to France, 273.
Government—Mr. Jefferson's views on, 114, 115.
Equilibrium between State and Federal governments necessary, 217.
Gun Boats—567.
Hamilton, Alexander—His great talents, 121, 231.
His advocacy of Jay's treaty, 121.
His anonymous writings, 231.
Henry, Patrick—Court paid to him by federalists, 148.
History, Natural—Big bones of the west, 149, 337, 351.
Skeleton from Paraguay, 195.
The wild horses of the west, 253.
Impeachment—Introduction of trial by jury in cases of, 215.
Impressment—Jefferson's views on, 133.
Improvement, Internal—Jefferson's views on, 131, 449, 478.
Post roads, 131.
Piers in the Delaware, 449, 478.
Light-houses, 450, 478.
Indians—Our efforts to keep them neutral in revolutionary war, 10.
Efforts to preserve peace with, 10, 11, 12.
Our policy towards, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 464, 467, 472, 489.
War with northwestern Indians, 86.
Cessions of land by, 464, 467, 472.
Their languages, 326, 580.
Their artistic skill, 310.
Insurrection—Of negroes in Virginia, 336.
Jefferson, Thomas—His retirement from Secretaryship of State, 26, 28, 99, 100.
Consents to remain until December, 1792, 28.
His retirement from politics, 101.
His devotion to agricultural life, 103.
His farming system, 106, 143, 224.
Declares his purpose never to enter public life again, 110.
Does not desire the Presidential office, 110.
His relations with General Washington in 1796, 142, 171.
Prefers Mr. Adams to himself for Presidency, 150, 151, 153, 154.
His letter to J. Adams on the subject, 153.
His election to Vice-Presidency, 158, 163, 165, 168.
Mode of notifying his election, 160.
His views of duties of his new office, 161.
His relations with J. Adams, 161, 167.
Preparation of his Parliamentary manual, 163.
His account of the Mazzei letter, 193.
His opposition to war with France, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 198, 230, 254.
His political associates, 254.
Calumnies against him, 255, 333, 520, 576.
Summary of his political principles, 268.
His election over Burr to Presidency, 358.
His valedictory to Senate on termination of Vice-Presidency, 362.
His oath of office, 364.
Reformations in administration of government, 396, 399, 523.
His agency in forming Constitution, 441.
Principles of his administration, 452, 523, 548.
Candidate for second Presidential term, 536.
His early friends, 547.
Political differences no effect on private friendships, 562.
His purpose to retire at end of second term, 565.
His majority at second election, 573.
Unanimity of his Cabinet, 592.
Judiciary—The executive consults it, 22.
Limits to jurisdiction of federal judiciary, 199.
Jury trial and viva voce evidence in Chancery suits, 318.
Jurisdiction, Territorial—Extract of the Marine league, 75.
Kentucky—Resolutions of, on alien and sedition laws, 258, 305.
King, Rufus—Sent minister to Russia, 289.
Knox, General—His bankruptcy, 262.
Kosciusko, General—His return to Europe, 248.
La Fayette—Greeting to his son on coming to U. S., 114.
Land—Conveyances of, before revolution, 371.
Languages—Policy of the study of, 316.
The Indian languages, 326, 348, 580.
Law, The Common—No part of law of Federal government, 301, 306.
Laws, Municipal—Derive their authority from the people, 302.
Law, National—Enemy's property in friend's vessel seizable, 24, 403, 408.
Arms are contraband, but government will not prohibit exportation of, 87.
Lewis, Captain M.—His expedition to explore west, 470, 492, 516, 540.
Liancourt, Duke de—A fugitive from French revolution, 145.
Literature—Condition of literary men, 513.
Livingston, Robert R.—Secretaryship of Navy tendered him, 338.
Sent on mission to France, 360.
Louisiana—Its cession to France, 432, 435.
Efforts to purchase for U. S., 454, 457, 460.
Its acquisition, 494, 497, 503, 509, 510, 525.
Boundaries of, 498, 503, 539, 548, 550, 587.
Its unconstitutionality, 500, 503, 504, 506.
Cession of, opposed by Spain, 511.
Occupation of, 510, 514.
Organization of government of, 551, 558.
Madison, James—Jefferson wishes him to succeed Washington in Presidency, 116, 117, 136, 150.
His report of debates in convention, 263.
Malthus—His work on population, 526, 527.
Maritime Jurisdiction—Limits of, 73, 559.
Marshall, John—His reception on return from mission to France, 249.
Messages—Substituted for speeches, 426.
Militia—The discipline of, 469.
Ministers, Foreign—Their pay, 455.
Their right to import duty free, 588.
Monroe, James—Jefferson advises him to come to Congress, 242.
Sent on special mission to France to negotiate for Louisiana and Floridas, 454, 457, 460.
Monuments—To living men objectionable, 335.
Moreau, Gen.—His arrival in U. S., 584.
Morris, Governeur—Becomes unpopular in France, 93.
Neutrality—Efforts to preserve it, 6.
Grounds on which proclamation of opposed, 18, 29.
Circumstances attending it, 18, 29, 30, 32.
Measures vindicating our neutrality, 18, 19, 27, 51, 55.
Violations of, by France, 27, 33, 45, 46, 55, 68.
Questions at issue between Genet and U. S., 34, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44.
Unlawful for the belligerents to arm and equip in our ports, 34.
In what cases our courts have jurisdiction over prizes, 38, 40.
Enemy's goods in neutral vessels liable to capture, 43.
Same rule extended to England as to other nations, though no treaty with her, 57.
Violations of our neutrality by England, 59, 62.
What are the rights of neutral nations, 59.
Conditions of neutrality, 61.
Difference between England and France resulting from treaty, 65.
French prizes admitted, and English excluded by treaty, 66.
Right of vessels of belligerents to visit our ports, 66.
Territorial jurisdiction extends to the marine league, 75, 559.
In what cases our courts make restitution of prizes, 78.
New England—Character of the people of, 247.
New Orleans—Difficulties in relation to rights of deposit at, 454, 457, 460.
Our policy in relation to, 483.
Offices—Principles on which distributed, 353, 368, 380, 391, 398, 402, 406, 451, 543.
Refuses offices to relations, 388.
Parties, Political—(See United States.)
Patronage—(See Offices.)
Philadelphia—The yellow fever there, 54, 64, 70, 74, 86.
Plough—One invented by Mr. Jefferson, 147, 225.
Polygraph—572.
Posts, North Western—Failure of English to surrender, 95.
President—Has no power to change place of meeting of Congress, 72.
Removal of executive government to Germantown, 74, 86.
Presidency—Nominations for second Presidency, 100, 116, 150, 151, 153, 154.
Equality of vote between Burr and Jefferson, 340, 342, 344, 345, 349, 352, 354, 369.
Press—Freedom of, in U. S., 21.
Privateers—A merchant vessel armed for defence only is not a privateer, 41.
Proclamation of Neutrality—(See Neutrality.)
Randolph, Edmund—His character, 125.
Randolph, John—His relations to Jefferson's administration, 517.
Religion—Jefferson's views on, 422, 525.
His views on Christianity, 475, 477, 479.
His views of Jesus, 475, 477, 481.
Fastings and thanksgivings not proclaimed by him, 427.
Republican Party—Split in, 591.
Robbin's Case—323, 324.
Sea Letters—To whom should be granted, 566.
Senate—Functions of that body, 107.
J. Adams' views of, 215.
Short, Wm.—His recall from Europe, 413.
Slaves—Policy of emancipation, 196.
Numbers carried off by English at end of revolution, 96.
Plans of colonization, 420, 442.
Spain—Danger of war with, 7, 8, 16, 17, 21.
Summary of our relations with, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16.
Difficulties with, in respect to inciting Indians against us, 12, 13, 14.
Societies, Democratic—Opposition of federalists to, 111, 133.
Efforts to suppress them, 111, 133.
State Rights—Jefferson's views on, 331.
Steam Engines—Employed to conduct water through houses, 296.
Stevens, Dr.—His case, 528.
St. Domingo—Condition of fugitives from, 20.
Expulsion of whites from, 20.
Assistance rendered to, by United States, 49.
Condition of the Island, 251.
Talleyrand—His connection with the X. Y. Z. business, 436.
Treasury—Financial reforms in, 428, 430.
Treaties—Our policy in relation to, 552.
The unpopularity of Jay's treaty, 120.
Power of House of Representatives over, 125, 134, 135.
Passage of Jay's treaty, 148.
Turkey, The—A native of America, 346.
University of Virginia—Its foundation, 313, 316, 462.
United States—Excess of party spirit in, 176, 178, 184, 191, 241, 247, 286.
Danger of war with France, 178, 181, 183, 187.
State of parties in, 179, 184, 206, 224, 234, 246.
Preparations for war, 183, 185, 241.
Political complexion of different sections of U. S., 186, 246.
Importance of peace to, 187.
State of parties on question of war with France, 189, 190, 222, 227, 229, 239.
Majority against war, 190, 192, 210.
Our true policy in our foreign relations, 191, 414.
Proceedings in Congress, 205, 208, 210, 211, 237.
Political condition of, 256, 259, 265, 271, 281, 287, 295, 297, 300, 322, 328, 330.
Financial condition of, in 1798, 264, 277, 284.
Increase of Republican party, 288, 414, 437, 488.
Consolidation of republicans and moderate federalists under Jefferson, 366, 367, 370, 378, 381, 382, 386, 389, 406, 437, 523, 542.
The political revolution of 1800, 373, 375, 376, 390, 425, 440, 467.
Relations with England and France, 586.
Virginia—Profits of agriculture in, 3.
Height of mountains of, 147.
Proposition for State convention, 199.
Collection of statutes of, 128.
Loss of public documents of, 129.
Alteration in Notes on Virginia, 564.
War—Preparations for, 279, 283, 285, 290, 291, 299, 323.
Public opinion in relation to, 279, 295, 300.
War policy of J. Adams' administration, 290, 291, 298.
War unavoidable in Europe, 491.
Danger of war with France, 181, 183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277.
Washington, Gen.—Monument to, 82.
Influence of federalists over, 139, 140, 141.
His influence in the country, 169.
His relations with Jefferson, 142, 171.
Cost of Houdon's statue of, 310.
Monuments to great men while living objectionable, 335.
Washington City—Removal of government to, 201.
Nature of, 570.
