Baring-Gould Sabine
A History of Sarawak under Its Two White Rajahs 1839-1908
CHAPTER XII
THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND STAGE
1868-1870
Charles Brooke was proclaimed Rajah on August 3, 1868, throughout the territory. The ceremony in the capital and at the out-stations was simple. The people were assembled, the proclamation read, and the Rajah's flag saluted. He did not then take the oath, but this was administered at the next meeting of the General Council, on October 11, 1870, when the Rajah solemnly bound himself to respect the religion, rights, privileges, and institutions of the people; that no laws or customary laws would be changed or modified without the sanction of the chiefs assembled in Council, that he would uphold the late Rajah's will in respect to the succession to the raj, that the people should have a voice in the selection of their chiefs, and that all cases arising amongst Muhammadans in respect to marriage, divorce, and inheritance should be settled by the Malay chiefs in accordance with Muhammadan law. At this meeting of the Council the English and native members took the oaths to endeavour to the best of their abilities to advise truthfully and justly for the good of the country, and to uphold the authority of the Rajah. This oath is administered to every new member upon appointment.
As has been mentioned, the Rajah had already been ruling the State for five years previous to his accession, and, though troubled with a few internal disorders among the Dayaks in the far interior, the general peaceful state of the country, which he had done so much to bring about, left him free to devote more of his time and attention to many needed improvements in the administration, and reforms in certain customary laws, which could only be effected as time smoothed out party feelings, racial jealousies and distrust, and all had settled down tranquilly under a government acceptable to the whole population, and which all were willing to uphold. How the Rajah succeeded as a wise and tactful administrator, the sure and steady advance of the country, its revenue and trade sufficiently testify. Not only has this been fully acknowledged by outside witnesses in a position to judge, but, what he values more, has won the approbation and confidence of his people.
No one was in a better position to bear testimony to this than the old Datu Bandar, Haji Bua Hasan, who, in spite of evil report and good report, won the respect of all classes. As already mentioned, he was a son of the gallant Patinggi Ali, and was appointed Imaum when Haji Gapur was degraded, and shortly afterwards was raised to the rank of Datu. He held his rank and office for over sixty years, and became the trusted friend of both Rajahs and of all his "English brethren." This is the simple testimony he bore on the opening of the new Court-house and public offices during the absence of the Rajah in England, acting as he did as spokesman for his countrymen, and in the presence of many hundreds of them.
English brethren, datus, and people all at present within the Court. I am happy in being here in company with you to hail the anniversary of the Rajah's birthday, and to join with you in opening this our new Court-house.
I am here to bear testimony to the fostering care which the Rajah has ever taken of his children; we, who in years gone by were not only poor, but sunk under oppression, and heaviness of heart, by his assistance have become rich, and our hearts have waxed light within us under the blessing of freedom.
The Rajah is but following out the good work begun by his uncle in our regard many years ago.
The Rajah, in succeeding his uncle, has not attempted to suppress, to interfere with, or to decry our religion, therefore I say to you all, follow that religion truly and adhere to its teachings. Whoever there be who shall forget what the Rajah has achieved for him and his, that man is not worthy to be accounted a friend of the Government, but shall be looked upon as an enemy, and whoever becomes an enemy of the constituted Government is an offender also against the faith.
How is it possible for any of us, remembering all that the Rajah has done for our advancement, to go against him, or in any way to oppose him. On the contrary, it is our duty – the duty of all of us who subsist under the Government – to praise the Rajah, to pray for long life for him and his, and beyond this to ask that he may be blessed with fortune in his reign, so that we may long live happy, as we are now, under him.
It will be advisable here to give some account of the manner in which Sarawak has been and is still governed, in regard to which Sir Spenser St. John, who was out in Borneo, either in Sarawak or Bruni, for thirteen years, wrote in 1899:
The Government is a kind of mild despotism, the only government suitable to Asiatics, who look to their chief as the sole depositary of supreme power. The influence of the old Rajah still pervades the whole system, and natives and Europeans work together in perfect harmony.297
For administrative purposes the country is divided into four Divisions, with a Resident of the 1st Class, or Divisional Resident, in charge of each, but of late years it has been necessary to appoint only Divisional Residents to the 1st Division, the smallest in area, but the most important, as containing the capital; and to the 3rd Division, which extending from Kalaka to Kedurong Point, takes in about half the State, and contains about half the population. The Divisions are divided into Residencies, under charge of Residents of the 2nd Class, with Assistant Residents, and junior officers under them, all under the supervision of the Divisional Residents.
In Kuching the Divisional Resident is assisted by a Resident of the 2nd Class, and the executive work is under the control of the usual departments, directed by the Treasurer, Commandant, Commissioner of Public Works, Postmaster-General, Magistrate Court of Requests, Superintendent of Police, principal and junior Medical Officers, Superintendent of Surveys, and Engineer in chief, with English, Eurasians, Chinese, and native assistants. The Rajah is the supreme judge, and the other judges of the Supreme Court are the Divisional Residents, the Datu Bandar, the Datu Hakim, and the Datu Imaum. These also form the Supreme Council, with his Highness as President. The Supreme Council, which was instituted by the first Rajah, acting on the advice of Earl Grey, October 17, 1855, meets once a month for the consideration of all important matters in connection with the welfare and administration of the State. It is an established rule that in this Council the European members shall not outnumber the native members.
In addition to the Supreme Council is the General Council, or Council Negri (State Council), which was instituted by the present Rajah in April, 1865, to consolidate the Government by giving the native chiefs more than local interest in the affairs of the State; to impress them with a sense of responsibility; to establish an uniformity of customs; and to promote a good feeling amongst them, and confidence in each other. Before the Council was inaugurated the chiefs seldom met one another, and were almost strangers except in name. Those in the provinces rarely visited the capital; they knew little about, and took but a slight interest in public concerns not directly affecting their own districts. The members of this Council also form local, or Residency, Councils in their respective districts, with the several Residents as vice-presidents.
This General Council includes the above members of the Supreme Council, the Residents of the 2nd Class, Treasurer, Commandant, principal Medical Officer, and the leading Malay, Dayak, and Kayan governing chiefs, as well as the chiefs of other tribes, who have proved deserving of being appointed members. It meets once every three years, and at the last meeting, in 1906, there were present thirteen (absent five) Europeans and thirty-six native members. To quote from his Highness' speech made at that meeting:
The General Council was organised for the purpose of settling any serious question or dispute relating to the welfare of the country whenever such questions should arise, … and he thought it was always a good thing that they should at least once in three years meet each other, exchange thoughts and views, and renew acquaintanceship.
Although it is the rule that the Council should meet at least once in every three years, it is liable to be convened at any time should any emergency arise, and this has been done upon more than one occasion.
Thus one was summoned in June, 1867,298 to meet at Sibu, to discuss and decide upon the course to be pursued to ensure protection for the lives and property of Sarawak subjects trading in Bruni territory. A letter was drawn up by the Rajah in Council to the Sultan, laying the facts before him, and asking for justice and protection. This drew from him the rude retort that "the Rajah he knew, but the members of the Council he presumed were only his coolies."
Nor was this all. When the Rajah's principal Resident, with some of the leading members of the Council, visited Bruni, the Sultan refused to allow the latter into his presence, but relegated them to an outer chamber with persons of low rank.
Hitherto the Sarawak chiefs of all ranks and races had entertained a lingering sympathy and respect for the "Iang de Pertuan" (He that rules), the Sultan's more correct title, but these insults completely alienated their regard.
The details of administration in the out-stations are many and diversified, and in some of the districts entail a considerable amount of travelling. The Resident is the chief judicial officer in his district. He is responsible for the proper collection of the revenue and for the expenditure. The public works, the police, in fact the general conduct of affairs throughout his district, are under his supervision, and he has to be continually visiting the outlying villages. Usually there is an Assistant Resident and one or more junior officers to assist him. Besides his usual routine work, he must at all times be accessible to natives of all races and of all degrees. Though irksome at times, this duty is one of considerable importance. Some come to complain against decisions of their chiefs; some for advice and assistance; and some seek an interview under a trivial pretext, behind which, however, may be important news, which they would hesitate to deliver before others. The natives are the eyes and ears of a Resident, and through them alone can he derive early intelligence of the doings and intentions of his people. And not a less important duty is to become thoroughly acquainted with the people under his care, to keep in close personal touch with them, and to become conversant with their customs and ideas, for the law he administers must be made more or less consonant with these. Customs inconsistent with justice and common sense have long since been discarded for more enlightened rules, but those conformable to these principles, and suitable to the conditions of the people, have become recognised customary laws, and these vary among the different races.
For the settlement of divorce and probate cases among the Muhammadans, Courts have been established throughout the State. In Kuching the Court is presided over by the datus, those in the out-stations by the Malay Government chiefs, who also sit as magistrates in the Residency Courts. Such cases are settled in accordance with Muhammadan law, modified as the Supreme Council may see fit, and subject to appeal to the Supreme Court.
Beside the permanent and salaried native officers, every Malay and Melanau village has its tuah,299 or chief, who is elected by the people, and, if the selection is approved by the Government, he receives a commission from the Rajah, appointing him chief for a term of three years. These tuahs are responsible for the collection of dues and taxes, and have power as sub-magistrates to settle small cases. As a rule they are remunerated by commissions, though some receive salaries.
The Sea-Dayaks, Kayans, and Kenyahs have district-chiefs, as already stated, called pengulus, who are appointed by the Government; and each house or village has its recognised sub-chief. The powers and duties of the pengulus are similar to those of the Malay tuahs, and they are similarly remunerated.
In 1872, certain criticisms upon the administration drew forth a rejoinder which appeared in the Sarawak Gazette of September 2, and as it so clearly lays down the Rajah's opinions and his policy we give it in full:
It is easy enough to find weak places in any system, and to give it credit on the whole for less than it deserves, because we disapprove of it in part. It is as easy, especially if one has played an important part in it oneself, to over-estimate its benefits. But in a semi-barbarous country, governed in conjunction with the old native authorities by a knot of foreigners, who are in advance of those they govern in knowledge and experience, it is hardest of all to judge impartially what has been done or is in progress. There are two widely different principles on which such a country can be judged; we will call them the Native and the European principle respectively. The first regards the old condition of things, established by custom and the character of race, as essentially natural, and is more or less adverse from changes, however slight, in what has these important sanctions. The second places the standard of Western civilisation before it, and is apt to judge rather harshly whatever falls far short of this, or is not, at least, in a fair way towards attaining it.
The common mistake Europeans make in the East is to exalt the latter of these principles almost to the exclusion of the other, instead of using them as mutually corrective. And this mistake has its origin, not in reasoning or in justice, but in the imperious spirit which makes white men in the East believe themselves lords of creation, and their darker brethren kindly provided in more or less abundance for their profit and advantage. At any rate no man in his senses can expect a wilderness of barbarism to blossom like a rose in a day, or a perfect government to appear full grown at once; while it is as unjust to put the traditions of the natives and their social position out of the question and consult European notions only, as it is debasing to lower ourselves to the level of native ignorance and stolidity.
In accordance with these two principles, there are two ways in which a government can act. The first is to start from things as we find them, putting its veto on what is dangerous or unjust, and supporting what is fair and equitable in the usages of the natives, and letting system and legislation wait upon occasion. When new wants are felt it examines and provides for them by measures rather made on the spot than imported from abroad; and, to ensure that these shall not be contrary to native customs, the consent of the people is gained for them before they are put in force.
The white man's so-called privilege of class is made little of, and the rules of government are framed with greater care for the interests of the majority who are not Europeans than for those of the minority of superior race. Progress in this way is usually slow, and the system is not altogether popular from our point of view; but it is both quiet and steady; confidence is increased; and no vision of a foreign yoke to be laid heavily on their shoulders, when the opportunity offers, is present to the native mind.
The other plan is to make here and there a clean sweep and introduce something that Europeans like better, in the gap. A criminal code of the latest type, polished and revised by the wise men at home, or a system of taxation and police introduced boldly from the West is imposed, with a full assurance of its intrinsic excellence, but with too little thought of how far it is likely to suit the circumstances it has to meet.
We care not to set the two principles in stronger contrast, or apply either to the policy which prevails here, only when men set themselves to be critics their first business is to rate themselves at their proper level in the community, and remember that their own interest is not all that has to be considered.
The policy of ingrafting western methods on eastern customs by a gradual and gentle process has been attended not only with marked success but with appreciation by the natives themselves. It has been the means by which old prejudices have been broken down, and reforms in laws and administration have step by step, and without friction or difficulty, been substituted for unjust and debasing customs. By preserving old customs good in themselves, modifying these where necessary, avoiding sudden and drastic changes, and, above all, by acting in conjunction with the native chiefs and in sympathy with their ideas, a faith in the integrity of the purpose of their white Ruler has been instilled into the minds of the people, and a feeling that whatever change he may advise will be primarily for their benefit.
I do not exaggerate, the Rajah wrote in 1870, when I say our chief success has been owing to the good feeling existing between the Ruler and people, brought about by there being no impediments between them; and that the non-success of European governments generally in ruling Asiatics is caused by the want of sympathy and knowledge between the Rulers and the ruled, the reason being the distance and unapproachableness of the Leader. If I were to exclude myself from Court I must necessarily withdraw myself from hearing the complaints, either serious or petty, of my people, who would then be justified in drawing an unsatisfactory and unhappy comparison between myself and my uncle, who was de facto the slave of the people, and left the country under my charge expecting me to carry out his policy.
Changes in laws and customs, which a few decades back would have been viewed with sullen distrust, are now readily accepted by the Malay chiefs, even those affecting their own strict religious laws. These as enacted by Muhammad were adjusted to meet the requirements of the past, but the Malay chiefs have so far advanced in their ideas that they are ready to admit that some of these laws may no longer be in accordance with present conditions. So by an Act passed in the Supreme Council an important rule contained in that code regulating the succession to property was modified as being opposed to modern ideas of fairness.
Before his accession, the Rajah had thoroughly gone into the question of slavery; in this matter he invited the opinions of all, and on his accession he was enabled to promulgate certain laws affecting the slaves, that met with general approval. By these laws, the slave was protected against ill-usage. He was granted civil rights, and the privilege of freeing himself by the payment of a small amount, the maximum price being fixed at about £7, an amount which could easily be earned by a few months' hard work. The transfer of slaves from one master to another could be made only in, and with the consent of the Courts. No slaves could be sold out of the country, and no fresh slaves might be imported. To quote the Sarawak Gazette of December 12, 1872:
Before the arrival of Sir James Brooke, the Illanuns and other pirates from North Borneo took yearly trips around the island, making midnight attacks on peaceful villages, killing old men and children, separating mother and child, husband and wife, and carrying away hundreds of miserable wretches to be sold into slavery in the Sulu archipelago.
In Sarawak territory, Kayans and Melanaus sacrificed slaves to propitiate evil spirits. To ensure good luck to a chief's new house, the first post was driven through the body of a young virgin. When they were afflicted with epidemics, it was the custom to sacrifice a young girl by placing her in a canoe, and allowing her to drift out to sea with the ebb tide. At the death of a chief, slaves were tied to posts near the coffin of the deceased and starved to death, in order that they might be ready to act as attendants on their master in another world.300
These and a host of other atrocities were formerly enacted here. Amongst the Malays was found slavery of a milder form. Masters and slaves were, as a rule, on amicable terms, and the latter were well treated. Where, however, there was no law, and masters held absolute power over their slaves,301 ill-usage occasionally followed as a consequence; and we could fill pages with stories of cruelties practised by Malay slave-holders in olden days.
Now on our coast piracy is a thing of the past. Inland, the barbarities we have described are no longer practised by wild and superstitious tribes; and although slavery is tolerated amongst the Malays, it is in such a mild form that the word is a misnomer.
The Government protects the bondman against cruelty and ill-usage, and acknowledges his legal rights. He can now obtain justice in the Courts, and by a wise regulation of the Government he can purchase his freedom at a fixed moderate price, so that should he find his bondage irksome, he has an opportunity of freeing himself by energy and hard work.
The result is that the number of slaves in the territory is steadily decreasing. Some of the Malays have been known to emancipate their slaves at their death. Those who are now nominally slaves are treated so well by their masters that they are probably happier and better off than they would be as free men.
One great cause for the reduction in the number of slaves was that, knowing their masters no longer had power to drive them, and were bound to support them, whether they worked or not, they became lazy and unprofitable to their owners, who eventually found paid labour to be far cheaper, and were only too glad to be rid of them.
These regulations gave the death-blow to slavery. It now practically remained to the slaves themselves to choose whether they should change their condition or not; for energy on the part of a slave would enable him to procure the price of his freedom, as well as that of his wife and children, and that could no longer be arbitrarily fixed or refused by his owner; or by contracting his labour he could obtain an advance for this purpose. By degrees many availed themselves of this advantage, though others preferred to remain in a state of dependency. They were well provided for, there was no necessity to work too hard, and proper treatment was secured to them. Thus it came to pass that many owners lost their diligent slaves, and were left with the lazy and useless ones, who became an expensive nuisance. Their wives and children, however, remained slaves, as did those of men too infirm to work, but of these, too, boys freed themselves as they grew up, and girls by contracting marriages with freemen, and these could free their parents. But the Rajah was desirous of abolishing an institution that, though it was becoming one in name only, still remained a blot upon the country, and in this he had the support of the Malay chiefs, which many showed in a practical manner by publicly and unconditionally manumitting all their slaves. Having before prepared the minds of the people for the great social change he wished to effect by bringing before the members of the General Council a proposal to abolish slavery, in 1883 he brought forward a bill for the gradual manumission of the slaves during the next five years, and for the abolition of slavery at the end of that period. But it became unnecessary to proceed to an enactment, for in 1886 domestic slavery had practically become a thing of the past, and at a meeting of the Council in that year the Rajah withdrew the bill.
As to the relations with Bruni, we shall deal with them in a special chapter. These relations, and those with the Netherlands Government, comprise the whole of Sarawak foreign policy, and the latter have of late years been conducted in a friendly spirit of co-operation in the mutual interests of the two countries, without undue and restrictive formality and red-tapeism – a marked contrast to the relations with Singapore, which has ever been jealous of Sarawak.
The relations with the Dutch had not, however, always been friendly, for on two occasions they had seized Sarawak trading prahus on the idle pretext of these being pirates. The second time was as late as 1865, and then two Sarawak and a Bruni prahu were seized in company by a Dutch gunboat and towed into Sinkawang, where their crew were placed in prison in irons, and the vessels and cargoes confiscated. This drew a strong protest from the Sarawak Government, and after some detention vessels and crews were released, but without considerable portions of their cargoes. Heavy damages were claimed, but never paid, though the seizure was admitted to be wrongful.
This was a poor return for the relief Sarawak had afforded the Dutch coast, both from the ravages of the Dayaks of Saribas and Sekrang, and the pirates from the north. Before the action off Bintulu in 1862, the Dutch had been unable effectually to protect their own coasts, the many captives from Dutch Borneo then rescued being a sufficient proof of this, but after that action the pirates did not venture to pass Sarawak again, and the north-western and western coasts were freed from their visits. The action of the Dutch in seizing these prahus was the severest blow Sarawak trade had suffered for many years; the fast-sailing prahus might out-sail the pirates, or the well-armed ones beat them off, but from men-of-war steamers there was no escape.
The Rajah has from his accession kept a strict supervision over all, even the smallest details of revenue and expenditure; all accounts of the Treasury and out-stations are submitted to him monthly, and no extra expenses beyond those provided for by his orders may be incurred by any department or in any out-station without his express sanction. His guiding principle has always been the strictest economy within limitations necessary to ensure efficiency. Upon his accession the public debt amounted to about £15,000, a considerable sum, with a revenue of only little over $100,000; this was exclusive of what had been sunk by the late Rajah – the whole of his fortune, which Sir Spenser St. John is wrong in saying stands to the credit of the Brooke family in the Treasury. In 1870 the revenue was $122,842, in 1907, $1,441,195, with a large surplus, and no public debt.
Besides the supervision of the Treasury, the Military, Naval, and Public Works departments are under the direct control of the Rajah, his daily routine in Kuching includes visits to the barracks, to the steamers and engineer's workshop, and to the jail, all which would be the work of the early mornings and evenings. The Rajah also presides in the Supreme and in the Police Courts, hearing and settling all cases and receiving petitions, and listening to complaints after the cases are disposed of; seeing all, whoever they are, and whatever their occasion. After Court he visits the offices of the various heads of departments, and attends to any business they may have to bring before him. This is also done when he visits out-stations, and in the absence of the Rajah the same rule is observed by the Rajah Muda.
But little had been done by the first Rajah towards promoting the commercial and industrial development of the State. He had, indeed, induced the Baroness Burdett Coutts to start an experimental farm with paddy-working mills at Lundu, and an experimental garden near Kuching, to teach the natives a better system of farming, with the use of the plough, and to introduce new products. But she had been unfortunate in the selection of managers; the experiments proved failures, and were abandoned in 1872.
Agriculture, the mainstay of all tropical countries, chiefly occupied the present Rajah's mind, but to quote from a speech made by him a few years after his accession: —
I do not flatter myself when I say that I have tried my best to advance agriculture, but I have most signally failed, and am, in consequence, much disappointed. Nevertheless, I still entertain hopes that the time for its development is not far distant, and I am prepared to take any pains, to receive any amount of advice, and to undergo any trouble if only I can see my way to successfully spread gardens and plantations in the place of our vast jungles.
Many schemes to promote this industry had been attempted, and had failed; but the Rajah never lost sight of his purpose, and how he was ultimately rewarded with success a reference to the chapter dealing with agriculture will show.
We shall now notice the disturbances that occurred in the period 1868-70.
In July, 1868, the Rajah led an expedition against the Delok Dayaks living in the Upper Batang Lupar for causing trouble over the borders, and another in May, 1870, against the Beloh Dayaks in the Katibas for the same reason. The Katibas, who had hitherto been supporters of the Government, had been led astray by the chief Balang302 in 1866, who then laid a well-planned trap to get the Resident, Mr. J. B. Cruickshank, into his hands to murder him. He was captured by the Rajah, and taken to Sibu, where he was executed.
Both these expeditions were successful, but no particulars of either are to hand. These expeditions, however, did not result in a final settlement of these disturbed remote districts. The Dayaks submitted, only to break out again, and the lesson had to be repeated several times. It will not be necessary or expedient to give an account of each of these. There is a tragic monotony about them – so many villages burnt, so many casualties to the punitive force, so many of the turbulent natives killed, and then a hollow peace patched up between the tribes concerned, with the usual ceremonies of killing of pigs.
The Sea-Dayaks still required to be watched and controlled, and "it would be strange if the Government had not met with difficulties in keeping in subjection 160,000303 wild Dayaks, all possessing energetic souls for warfare." The Saribas, the most troublesome and toughest in holding out, eventually settled down into the most peaceful and law-abiding of the tribes, and became great traders, and thoroughly loyal. This was the case as far back as 1865, and in that year the present Rajah was able to write: "What an altered country is Saribas to what it was a few years ago. People are so quiet and peaceably disposed there now, that never a word of head-hunting is breathed." And the same may be said of the Sekrangs, who, with the exception of one lapse, caused by the falsehood and treachery of a once trusted chief, have remained true and faithful to the Government that had brought them into subjection. And in regard to all the Sea-Dayak tribes, then as now, it should be borne in mind that their uprisings, though bringing them into conflict with it, are never directed against the Government, with the above exception only, which is related in Chapter XIV. Like the Highlanders of yore, we may class the various tribes of the Dayaks having a community of language and customs as clans spasmodically at feud with one another; and their feuds are confined to the far interior of the State.
